Wednesday, April 27, 2011

Obama releases 'long form' birth certificate

BBC 27 April 2011




The White House has released President Barack Obama's birth certificate, in response to persistent rumours he was not born in the US.

Mr Obama had previously released an official "certification of live birth" showing he was born in Hawaii.

But fringe "birther" theorists have insisted Mr Obama was actually born in his father's native Kenya, making him ineligible to be president.

Recently potential Republican candidate Donald Trump has revived the rumour.

PM's indirect green signal to Raja's designs: PAC

Indo-Asian News Service
New Delhi, April 27, 2011

A parliamentary panel's draft report on the 2G spectrum allocation has criticized Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for giving an "indirect green signal" to former IT and communication minister A Raja to execute his "unfair and dubious designs" in selling the scarce radio waves at throwaway prices.

The yet-to-be adopted Public Accounts Committee (PAC) report said Raja, who is now in jail, revealed "half truth to conceal his ulterior design".

The report doesn't hold Manmohan Singh directly responsible for the alleged losses the 2008 sale of telecom licences caused to the nation, but the prime minister however faces critcism in the explosive report that was leaked to the media a day before it is likely to the adopted by the 22-member panel.

Criticising the prime minister, the report says that the committee examined the "sequence of events (that) testifies some unfortunate ommisions".

It highlights how "strangely" the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) processed Raja's Dec 26, 2007 letter to the prime minister.

It alleges that the letter was submitted to the prime minister Jan 7, 2008, 12 days after Raja had sent it.

Four days later, the private secretary to the prime minister conveyed Manmohan Singh's "desire to take into account the developments concerning the issue of licences", it said.

This happened a day after the licences were issued Jan 10, 2008, according to the report.

On Jan 15, Manmohan Singh's private secretary wrote a note that the prime minister wants this informally shared with the department of telecom and "doesn not want a formal communication and wants PMO to be at arm's length".

"By just acknowledging the minister's letter, the PM seemed to have given his indirect green signal to go ahead with his plan and decision... The prime minister's desire to keep the PMO at arm's length indirectly helped the communication minster to go ahead and execute his unfair, arbitrary and dubious designs."

The report, full of errors and grammatical mistakes, has already triggered a full blown war between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress and DMK combine.

The term of the present PAC ends April 30 and it is alleged that BJP's Murli Manohar Joshi, who heads the panel, was hurrying to finalise the report "with malafide intension", the ruling partners said.

"It appears that he (Joshi) has a hidden agenda to destabilise the government. He should resign. The draft report seems to have been prepared in pre-determined way with biased mind and malafide intentions" Congress' K.S. Rao, who is also a panel member, said in a joint press conference with a DMK MP and other members from his party.

The report also comes down heavily on the PMO's role saying it "certainly either failed to see the foreboding or was rendered a mute spectator".

"The PMO was very much aware of the law minister's suggestions (to refer the matter to the empowered group of ministers) but the counter view of the communication minister got overriding preference to the law minister's view for some unknown reasons and thus no effort was made by the PM."

Raja, the report said "arrogantly termed the suggestions of the law minister as out of content".

Raja "audaciously informed the prime minister that the cut-off date has been fixed at Sep 25, 2007 on the plea of shortage of spectrum whereas on another occasion he had said that there was enough scope for allotment of spectrum to few new operators".

The assurance to Manmohan Singh that "he was not deviating from the established and existing procedures was a blatant lie as he deformed and distorted the (FCFS) first-come, first-serve policy" the report says.

It also critcises Chidambaram who was then the finance minister saying the committee was "shocked and dismayed" to note that in his note Feb 15, 2008, he acknowledged that spectrum price should be based on its scarcity value and efficiency of usage.

But Chidambaram later suggested that the matter be closed, it says.

"...the finance minister, the guardian of the public exchequer and entrusted with the principle task of mobilisation of resources for public welfare, instead of initiating stringent and swift action against all those responsible for the whopping loss to the exchequer, pleaded with the prime minister to treat the matter as closed."

I saw posters calling for Binayak to be hanged.

JUSTICE FOR BINAYAK

BY ILINA SEN



Unflinching devotion ‘When I heard he had been sentenced for life, I thought there was so much we could still have shared, so much I wanted to say...’

......................................................................
Today, on one hand I feel great happiness and great relief that this part of the ordeal is almost over. On the other hand I feel anxiety — we have seen how hostile and vengeful the State has been. But there is no sense of loss, or futility over the lives we’ve led. At times one wishes for a less eventful, less traumatic life. But on the whole, it’s been a rich experience. A good life.

Binayak and I have given so much to Chhattisgarh — before anyone was writing about the state, we were doing it. Any journalist or researcher who came to the state would meet us first.

I WAS born in 1951. My father was an army doctor, so we moved every three years. We lived everywhere: I began my schooling in Faridkot in a Punjabi-medium school. Then there was a lot of growing up in Jabalpur, and I ended up finishing school in Shillong. Next was history at Lady Brabourne College in Calcutta followed by a master’s in English in Jabalpur, where my parents had settled. Studying history was very useful, giving a certain perspective to all my work. The literature was for pleasure — I focussed on two American poets: Frost and Dickinson.

Then I thought I’d like to study something connected to real people, real life, so I did an MPhil and PhD in sociology from Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University. My PhD thesis, submitted in 1984, was one of the first works on the declining sex ratio in India based on Census figures from 1901 to 1981.

Binayak’s father was also an army doctor and our families often crossed each other. We must have met as children, but met properly as young people in Jabalpur. Binayak is obviously very attractive, both as a person and a personality. When I first met him as an adult, he was soft-spoken, gentle. I immediately sensed that he was a democratic person — someone one could grow with, not dogmatic or patriarchal. I reached a comfort level with him very early. In those days, of course, we sent letters through snail mail and booked trunk calls. It did feel unusual to get married at 21, but we just felt we wanted to be together, to build a life together.

Also, my younger sister died in Jabalpur in 1970 at age 13 from Crohn’s disease. Something like this causes a total breakdown in a middle class family. I had no other siblings and her death wrecked us. Both my grandmother and Binayak’s had 8-9 children and they each lost one or two, but it wasn’t the same for my parents’ generation. In retrospect, when I think about it, a part of me must have also wanted to marry to get away from all this.

When Binayak started his residency training in Vellore, Tamil Nadu, I came to Chennai and saw the sea for the first time. It was very dramatic. I taught English in a school for two years, which was great fun, though I had no formal training. They selected me because, of all the candidates, I knew no Tamil, so they felt I’d teach more intensely — it was like ducking kids into the sea! I still meet some of those children.

Binayak and I moved together to JNU in Delhi in 1978 for our PhDs. He didn’t last very long, as he desperately wanted to do field work and this wasn’t even a medical college. He didn’t have patience with research and had problems with the senior faculty. He left in about a year, while I stayed on.

In Delhi, I was exposed to all kinds of things, the most pivotal being the women’s movement — there were groups like Manushi and Saheli. The Emergency had just ended. We’d get brilliant speakers like Noam Chomsky and AB Vajpayee. This period had a huge influence on me. I was the first recipient of ICCR’s women’s studies fellowship, for which I began fieldwork in Hoshangabad, Chhattisgarh.

Binayak wanted to build a hospital for workers in Chhattisgarh’s twin mining settlements of Dalli-Rajhara, where he had begun work in 1981. I joined him full-time in 1984, picking up Chhattisgarhi and the culture much more easily than Binayak — I’ve always been good at languages.

It was a fascinating place and time. I’ve always been very adventurous in finding new places, new relationships. It seemed like the whole world was going to Chhattisgarh, all the jhollawalla bhais were headed there. It was a social experiment, with tons of intellectuals visiting us. We had a sense of building a sustainable, egalitarian society.

Chhattisgarh was so invigorating. Madhya Pradesh, where I grew up, still had the ghunghat (veil) and segregation of sexes. I fell in love with Chhattisgarh, where the women are such an inspiration, so strong and articulate. The trade unions had 5,000 women members, and I made friends like Durga Bai, who worked in the mines and was equal to any man. The organisation of people was also remarkable.

I’ve been very lucky, being at the right place at the right time, forging enduring friendships across classes in both rural and urban worlds. I can go to my friend and pick custard apples from her trees — I know when it’s the right time.

Living in rural India has challenges like no toilets, but those are minor di culties. Now, as I grow old and become arthritic, there are some new di culties. Then I need electricity for writing, since I’ve always written at night after the children sleep.

I and Binayak had a fight — one of many continuing negotiations! — when I came to live in Dalli-Rajhara in 1984. He’d been staying with a worker’s family and I couldn’t look upon that as a permanent way of life — it was not how I wanted to be. The family was very loving but you can’t park yourself indefinitely in someone’s house. Eventually, we moved into a flat. Binayak is a very passionate man but he doesn’t always think of consequences. I’m a little more cautious, thinking about things — like, we have two children. He’s very pure in what he thinks has to be done.

We moved to Raipur in 1988 where I set up the NGO Rupantar for people-centred development. We worked with Gond and Kamar tribes in the Nagari-Sihawa area, who had built settlements in forest land after being displaced by dams. There were no schools, no social institutions. Binayak did health work while I worked with the kids, designing educational programmes. I tried to combine literacy skills with my own understanding of things. That world was very collaborative. The Kamar children would offer to build something in return for an education. The tribal community had a different context but it had the same energies as anywhere. And it had solidarity.

I continued to research, write, do consultancies. I wrote two books: Women’s Participation in People’s Struggles and Migrant Women of Chhattisgarh. I’d been visiting to teach women’s studies, in Hindi medium, at the Mahatma Gandhi Antarrashtrya Hindi Vishwavidyalaya in Wardha, Maharashtra, since 2004, and in 2006 I moved base there. Binayak stayed back in Chhattisgarh, which was already becoming virulent. The spaces were closing in. The Salwa Judum had come in 2005 and it wasn’t comfortable.

The times changed: Our daughters’ lives are very different. Pranhita works as a cinematographer in Chennai while Aparajita is doing her BA in Mumbai. They’ll make their own life.

I’VE ALWAYS romanticised Chhattisgarh. The people are so vibrant with their modern outlook about love and divorce. But the trajectory of public discourse has been a disappointment here — it’s become increasingly monolithic. It’s a combination of ignorance and arrogance, which is quite deadly. There’s a lot of self righteousness. Nobody likes good citizens, everyone likes good consumers. The Chhattisgarhi media doesn’t reflect the breadth of vision of the local people, it has a narrow worldview.

On the morning of 24 December last year, when Binayak was convicted for life, I thought: This can’t be happening. This can’t be true. But I believed the truth would come out when people analysed the case in 10-20 years. My sense of being was under threat when my name was also dragged into court. I had nightmares, migraines. There would be times when I couldn’t sleep for five nights. And I still had to lead a so-called normal working life with children.

There’s been a sense of deep insecurity, but these past few years I never felt suicidal. I kept hoping and praying. I had the conviction that we were right. Truth was on my side. And the lawyers, certain media, old friends and family, everyone stuck by me. The support was there. You cope because you have to. I’ve continued reading Frost and Dickinson and sharing them with friends. I don’t feel like giving up. I still want to find peace but the future will take time.

Prior to 2007, I used to be very much focussed on Chhattisgarh and the issues most prevalent there like displacement. But during the past few years, I have felt a larger canvas now of Constitutional values. The Constitution promises a lot but a lot of its entitlements remain conceptual. For example, even though I’m not a religious person I’m still governed by the personal law of my community.

I have a much larger worldview now both intellectually and spatially. Increasingly, I’ve also understood the great unevenness of India — there is no one India, whether it be the media, the courts or the government. The role of the State needs to be urgently renegotiated in our lives and our future will hang on how democratically we do that. For example, leave aside Anna Hazare’s politics, but look at the support for the Lokpal Bill.

Personally, these years have given me both confidence and a lot of uncertainty. There’s been a loss of trust. Now when I meet someone I measure them and what I say to them. I also don’t know where my home is anymore, which is a source of great pain. I haven’t yet dealt fully with being dislocated, not belonging anywhere.

It’s very difficult to understand what happened to the Chhattisgarh I was in love with. I had so much rapture about this place. I still do about its people, but the State is different. The newspapers would print headlines gloating over what was happening to us. There was such a tone of malice. I saw posters in Raipur calling for Binayak to be hanged. This is not the Chhattisgarh I’ve loved. Does it still exist? I don’t know. I hope so. I hope I find it again.

Today I still admire the democratic person in Binayak the most. On 24 December last year when I heard he’d been sentenced to life, I felt there was so much we could still have shared, so much I wanted to say to him and hadn’t said. We still have lots to explore with each other and I look forward to that.

Is There Anyone To Hear This Boy’s Cry

By Gladson Dungdung

26 April, 2011
Countercurrents.org

Anup Oraon is merely 10 months old Adivasi boy. He was born in mid of the summer in 2010. He started traveling in the winter. And now travelling has become part and parcel of his life. However, his travel is different from others. His travel is unique. He has been traveling with his mother Nirmala Kanti Oraon with the hope that one day someone will hear his cry. Of course, his travel is for demand of justice. He has already attended several public hearings, mass meetings, protests, seminars and conferences across the country, where he shared his agony with people and demand justice for his father, uncle and neighbours.

Last time, I met him in a national seminar held in Bhopal the capital city of Madhya Pradesh. It was the beginning of summer, when he had come to Bhopal with his mother to tell the concerned people about their pains, sufferings and sorrows. However, the climate of Bhopal added salt in his wound. He started suffering from cold, cough and fever. His mother was worried. She told me that they have traveled to many places but this time Anup fell sick. She said in anxiety, “I’m worried if something happen to my child, how I can explain to my husband when he comes out of the Jail.” She was there to tell the people that how the Odissa police humiliated, tortured and put her innocent husband in jail after branding him as a member of the CPI-Maoist.

The worst thing is Anup Oraon has not even seen his father since his birth. When he was born his father Paulus Oraon was already behind the bars. Though he cannot express his pains, sufferings and sorrows in words but his endless cry, anguish and anxiety are enough for describing everything he has been undergoing in absence of his father. Perhaps, he wants to play in the lap of his father, he wishes to hear the voice of someone else than hearing her mother’s voice every time he wakes up for the bed and of course, he wants to be loved by his father. But India’s war (for minerals) has put this child’s life in a stake. Both the mother and child have been running from pillar to post but no one is there to hear their plea. Can anyone hear their cry for justice?

According to Nirmala Kanti Oraon, she was living with her husband Paulus Oraon in a village called Silpunji, comes under Banki police station of Sundargarh the mineral rich district of Odissa. Since, they have fertile land; they used to harvest enough food grain, which of course, was ensuring them a good life. Meanwhile, Nirmala Kanti Oraon conceived. Consequently, the happiness and joy was about to be poured in their family. However, the destiny was something else for them. In the early morning on 29 August 2009, the security forces consisting of the CRPF personals and local police arrived to their village. The security forces started search operations in the village. The police entered into house and asked Nirmala Kanti Oraon about his husband. When they didn’t find him in the house they started roaming in the vicinity and caught him nearby a river closed to his village, where he had gone for toilet in the morning. The police abused and severely beat him alleging him as a Maoist. Finally, he was arrested. However, the police did not inform Nirmala Kanti Oraon about the arrest of her husband.

The security forces did not stop here. They abused, assaulted and beaten the villagers, and also molested the women. They did not spare children too. The police entered into the house of 50 year-old Joseph Oraon, ransacked all the belongings and scattered the food grains. The police picked up 24 year-old teacher Sapal Oraon from his bed alleging him as a Maoist. He was assaulted and forcefully taken to the police camp. He is a good leader of the area and also a teacher under Sarva Sikhya Abhiyan in the village. After a few months, the police also arrested Sopal’s wife Khudia who leads women SHG group in the village. Now their three kinds and mother are facing severe livelihood crisis. Similarly, 25 year-old daily wage labourer Budhram Oraon had gone for toilet and police arrested him from there. Now his wife is living with her 6 months old kid and suffering from need of food and care. In another case the police caught 19 year-old Ashim Oraon and tied him in a tree with rope and left him for 5 hours without food and water. Similarly, the police caught 22 year-old Raju Oraon from his house when he was sleeping. When he questioned the police, he was tied in a tree with rope near the bridge for 6 hours without food and water. They also severely beat 2 minor boys – Anil Oraon (13) and Elam Oraon (16). Finally, they arrested 30 innocent Adivasis from the village after coining them as the members of the CPI-Maoists.

All 30 innocent Adivasis were booked in serious charge of attempt to murder, killings and possession of illegal arms and so on. The case was filed against them in Banki Police Station with the case No. 31 Dt.17-07-2009 U /S 147/148/341 /353 / 364 / 395 /307 / 506 /121 /121 A/149 of Indian Penal Code (IPC), 25/ 27 of Arms Act, 9B of Indian Explosive Act and 17 CLA Act. Ironically, the case was booked in the police station on 17 July 2009 under serious charges but the police arrested them after more than a month, which generates a serious doubt about the police action. Though the Police claim of having evidence of their involvement in several crimes including the murder of a police officer in the region on July 16, 2009 but there is no such evidence to prove the allegation. “Most of the arrested people are daily wage earners and none of them were involved in any kind of Maoist activities,” says a noted activist Prafulla Samantray, who was part of the protest in Rourkela for release of the innocent Adivasis.

The relevant question here is why are the police victimizing the innocent Adivasis? In fact, the police have been victimizing these Adivasis for two obvious reasons. One is to shield their failure in arresting the real killer of a police officer and second, they want to vacate the area for the corporate sharks as there is huge mineral resource lying beneath the lands. “We don’t even know about the Maoists but our only crime is that we don’t want to surrender our land for mining therefore we are victimized by the government,” says Nirmala Kanti Oraon. The Local legislator George Tirkey who has been fighting against victimization of the Adivasis by the police says, “The police do not have the courage to arrest the real Maoists. They are victimizing the innocent villagers to save their own skin.”

After arrest of the main earning members, women and children are facing huge livelihood crisis. Consequently, their food intake has gone down. Nirmala Kanti Oraon says, “We used to have food three times everyday but after arrest of the main earning persons of our families, we are bound to eat only once or twice in a day.” “We are neither able to cultivate our lands nor able to collect minor forest produces as we have to take care our small kids. How will we survive if our people do not come out of Jail?” she adds. Presently, there are 45 children (below the age of 8 years) in the village and some of them were born in absence of their fathers consequently, they suffered like anything. For example, Ainche Oraon delivered her first baby on the roadside at 7 O’clock in the morning on 9 September 2009, when she had gone for toilet and could not come back home as her husband Ramo Oraon was in Jail and nobody was there to take care of her. All the lactated mothers need nutritious food, medical attention and care. There are also 5 old women who have crossed the age of 70 but no one is there for looking after them. However, the police had also assaulted some of these old women.

The most stunning fact is that the police also victimized those people who raise questions against injustice meted out on Adivasis, demand for rights to be protected and unite the people to fight against state suppression. When a Human Rights Advocate Nicholas Barla intervened on the case, he was abused, threatened and harassed by the top cops. The Superintendent of Police of Sundargarh district asked him to keep quiet or face the police action. Nicholas says, “When the police came to know about my intervention on the case, they started searching for me therefore I have had to hide myself for a few months.” “There is constant phone enquiry where about, what I am doing, etc? This is I feel nuisance”, he adds. The most important question is where is our right to freedom of thought and expression gone?

The state of Odissa is known as emerging industrialized state, which has signed 90 MoUs with the corporate houses including POSCO, Vedanta and Tata Steel. However, the so-called economic growth is leading to rampant human rights violation in the state. The National Human Rights Commission also accepts it. Its chairperson K.G. Balakrishnan says, “As Odissa is emerging as an industrialized state, we apprehend more cases of human rights violation.” Is this a new face of growth and development, where people’s rights do not make much sense and especially when it is related to the Adivasis? Now the districts like Sundargarh, Keojhar, Mayurbhanj, Jharsuguda, Anugul are in chaotic situation. The people are facing water crisis, health hazard and livelihood crisis. There is a sharp decrease in the agriculture production, migration has increased due to displacement and harassment by the police and district administration. People also facing air, soil and sound pollution. The climate change can be experienced with extreme cold, hot summer and lack of heavy rain. There is clear violation of the constitutional provisions and PESA Act. There is constant unrest among the villagers, government authorities and the corporate houses. There are numbers of death cases, accidents, industrial violations and killings in the factory and mining areas. But no one is punished for committing such heinous crimes. Why?

In fact, the state of Odissa is heaven for the investors as the state government can do anything to ensure them lands and protection. Instead of taking action against the corporate houses, the state government has been fighting with the people on behalf of the corporate houses. For instance, when the villagers of Kuwarmunda of Sundargarh protested against the Adhunik Metallic, the company filed case against them and over 132 villagers were kept in the jail for 3 to 6 months. Similarly, in Kalunga close to Vedvyas in Sundargarh district in the case of Ms.Maa Tarini Sponge iron Plant, 86 women were put in the jail for a month, who were demanding to implement the laws. In the case of Lanziberna Stone query of OCL, Rajgangpur, the innocent youth (Bijay) was shot by the security guard of the company and when the villagers filed the FIR, police didn’t take any action, where many innocent villagers were taken to jail.

In the case of Korean company POSCO, which is the biggest Foreign Direct Investment in the country with proposed investment of Rs. 54,000 crore, the Odissa government even did not hesitate to declare the Adivasis as none existing in the proposed area. Similarly, 14 Adivasis were killed in police firing at Kalinga Nagar in 2006, who were protesting against the Tata Steel’s land acquisition but no action was taken against the Tata Steel. In the case of British mining company ‘Vedanta’ who has not only violated the laws of the land but also took illegal action against the Adivasis and also prepared a false Gram Sabha report but the Odissa government has been attempting to shield the Vedanta.

The National Human Rights Commission found that the local administration and the top cops’ involvement in intimidating to the Adivasis for filing false cases against them and also to deny them due compensation for the land they were forced to give up for the Vedanta. The commission found that false police cases like dacoity, loot and illegal possession of arms were registered against the Adivasis who protested against the company. In one such case, 32 Adivasis were thrown into jail in May, 2006 on a variety of charges. The Superintendent of Police and company officials forced them to sign land transfer agreements with Vedanta inside Bhawanipatna jail with the jailer attesting the signatures. The NHRC also accepts that a number of complaints have been filed in the commission regarding the human rights violation during the establishment of industries by Vedanta, POSCO and Tata. The irony is no any action has been taken against these corporate giants for violating and laws and terrorising the Adivasis but the innocent villages were victimised by the state instead.

Indeed, the so-called anti-Naxal Operation has put question mark in the future of innocent Adivasis and their children. The villagers are living with fear, anxiety and uncertainty. Children have stopped going to school. The major questions need to be answered are what kind of future these children will have? Why the state is not concerned about their future? Are they not children of this country? Do they have the same rights like what our city dweller children enjoy? And why those so-called civilized people have no concerns for these children? In the present era of growth and development, the police forces are deployed to protect the corporate interest not the people. These days, they also teach the development theory. And those who oppose their development theories will have to pay the price. And of course, it is not unexpected, as the Indian State has become the corporate state, where the programmes, policies and even the cabinet Ministers are decided by the corporate houses. However, does it mean the boy Anup’ cry for justice is nonsense? Is there anyone who can hear the cry of these helpless women and children whom the state has put in a stake in the name of cleansing the Maoists?

Living Economies: Learning From The Biosphere

By David Korten

26 April, 2011
YES! Magazine

How we humans can redesign our failing systems by turning back to nature—and learning to live by the rules of life

This is the seventeenth of a series of blogs based on excerpts adapted from the 2nd edition of Agenda for a New Economy: From Phantom Wealth to Real Wealth. I wrote Agenda to spur a national conversation on economic policy issues and options that are otherwise largely ignored. This blog series is intended to contribute to that conversation. —DK


My favorite definition of life comes from evolutionary biologist Lynn Margulies: “Life is matter with the capacity to choose.”

The intricate self-organizing structure of Earth’s biosphere is the product of life’s extraordinary 3.5 billion year evolutionary quest to explore and expand the possibilities of its capacity to choose. The result is a complex and highly sophisticated fractal structure of nested, self-reliant, progressively smaller-scale ecosystems, each exquisitely adapted to its particular place on Earth to optimize the capture of energy to sustain matter in a living choice-making state.

To this end, trillions upon trillions of cells, organisms, and communities of organisms engage in an exquisite continuing dance of cooperative exchange. Each participant in this dance maintains its own identity and vitality while contributing to the needs of its neighbors and to the balance, stability, and resilience of the whole.

We humans, with our extraordinary capacity for choice, are a product of this wondrous process. In our species' immaturity, however, our dominant cultures have forgotten that our individual and collective well-being depends on the well-being of the whole. We must now step to a new level of species maturity, redesign the culture and institutions of our economic system to mimic the structure and dynamics of the biosphere, and learn to live by life’s rules. It is an epic test of our human capacity for learning, creative innovation, self-organization, and individual and collective choice.

The following are three defining characteristics of the living systems our human economies must emulate.

1. Cooperative Self-Organization: Ecosystems have no central control structure. Their health and vitality depend on processes of cooperative self-organization in which each species learns to meet its own needs in ways that simultaneously serve the needs of others. The more diverse and cooperative the bio-community, the greater its capacity to innovate and the greater its resilience in the face of crisis.

2. Self-Reliant Local Adaptation: The biosphere’s cooperatively self-organizing fractal structure supports a constant process of adaptation to the intricate features of Earth’s distinctive local microenvironments to optimize the capture, sharing, use, and storage of available energy.

Local self-reliance is a key to the system’s ability to absorb and contain most system disturbance locally with minimum overall system disruption. So long as each local subsystem balances its consumption and reproduction with local resource availability, the biosphere remains healthy and dynamic.

3. Managed Boundaries: Because of the way life manages energy, each living entity must maintain an active flow of energy within itself and in continuous exchange with its neighbors. Life requires permeable managed membranes at every level of organization—the cell, the organ, the multi-celled organism, and the multi-species ecosystem—to manage these flows and as a defense against parasitic predators.

If the membrane of the cell or organism is breached, the continuously flowing embodied energy that sustains its living internal structures dissipates into the surrounding environment, and it dies. It also dies, however, if the membrane becomes impermeable, thus isolating the entity and cutting off its needed energy exchange with its neighbors. Managed boundaries are not only essential to life’s good health; they are essential to its very existence.

These are foundational design principles for the cooperative, self-organizing, self-reliant adaptive living economies on which our human future depends. The institutional structures of living economies facilitate joyful non-monetized exchanges of life energy based on relationships of trust and caring—the social capital of vital cohesive living communities.

Reorganizing our human economies to function as locally self-reliant subsystems of our local ecosystems will require segmenting the borderless global economy into a planetary system of interlinked self-reliant regional economies. This does not mean shutting out the world. Vital living economies exchange their surplus goods for the surplus goods of their neighbors and freely share ideas, technology, and culture in a spirit of mutual respect for the needs and values of all players.

In a living economy, the rights and interests of living communities of living, breathing people engaged in a living exchange with the natural systems of their bioregion properly take priority over the presumed rights of artificial corporate entities that value life only as a marketable commodity and operate by the moral code of a malignant cancer. Protecting the boundaries of the community from intrusion by predatory corporations is an essential function of any responsible government.

We humans are the most advanced expression of life’s capacity to choose. We must now demonstrate our ability to use that capacity wisely.


David Korten (livingeconomiesforum.org) is the author of Agenda for a New Economy, TheGreat Turning: From Empire to Earth Community, and the international best seller When Corporations Rule the World. He is board chair of YES! Magazine and co-chair of the New Economy Working Group. This Agenda for a New Economy blog series is co-sponsored by CSRwire.com and YesMagazine.org based on excerpts from Agenda for a New Economy, 2nd edition.

The ideas presented here are developed in greater detail in Agenda for a New Economy available from theYES! Magazine web store — where there are 3 WAYS TO GET THE BOOK and a 22% discount!


More by David Korten (http://www.yesmagazine.org/blogs/david-korten)

The World of Our Dreams
Our world is made up of diverse populations—but really we all want the same things out of life. It's time we put our common dreams into action.

Our Human Nature
People often justify greed as simply human nature. Why our economic policies need to reward our caring, cooperative sides instead.

The End of Empire
Wall Street’s days are numbered. Ours need not be.

Sunday, April 17, 2011

We need a clean man in black robe: CJI

PTI NEWS
April 16, 2011

NEW DELHI: Concerned over judiciary‘s image coming under a cloud in the wake of corruption charges, Chief Justice S H Kapadia on Sarurday said there was a need for “clean man in black robe” and asked the political class not to protect corrupt judges. “We have to live by examples. We need a clean man in black robe to uphold the independence and integrity of the judiciary,” the CJI said while cautioning the judges from inevitably ending up in the political arena. The CJI said judges should maintain self restraint and avoid being in touch with lawyers, political parties, their leaders or ministers and high ranking judges should not interfere in the administrative work of court lower to it.

“Internal interference from a high ranking judge which, if resisted, could lead the lower ranking Judge being transferred or being denied promotion also needs to be deprecated. Similarly, political protection should not be given to corrupt judges,” Kapadia said at the fifth M C Setalvad memorial lecture.

“A judge must inevitably choose to be a little aloof and isolated from the community at large. He should not be in contact with lawyers, individuals or political parties, their leaders or ministers unless it be on purely social occasions,” he said. The CJI’s remarks assume significance as the issue of corruption allegedly involving sitting judges P D Dinakaran and Soumitra Sen, who are facing impeachment proceedings in Parliament, were raised by other speakers. Senior advocates Anil Divan and P P Rao voiced serious concerns over judges being involved in corruption.

The CJI began his speech by saying that “I am an eternal optimist and I can see that in future things are going to improve as far as integrity and as far as credibility of the Supreme Court is concerned.” Kapadia said the judges should not accept any type of patronage and stick to judicial norms. “The judge should not accept patronage through which he acquires office, preferential treatment or pre-retirement assignment. These can give rise to corruption if and when quid pro quo makes a demand on such judges”, he said. Kapadia stressed the need for protecting the integrity of judiciary saying “judges must keep the part of impartial, objective, fearless and independent justice alive”.

The CJI said he has avoided socialisation and even preferred not take the membership of any golf clubs as it would have left him mingling with advocates, politicians etc giving a negative impression to the people. “Frequent socializing with particular members of the legal profession or with the litigants, including potential litigants, is certain to raise, in the minds of others, the suspicion that the judge is susceptible to undue influence in the discharge of his duties,” he said. The CJI said there should be a fair criticism of judgements and irresponsible and illegitimate criticism should be avoided.

“Public and media criticism of judges and judgments is a common feature today throughout the common law world. Like other public institutions, the judiciary must be subject to a fair criticism. “But, what I am concerned with is response to criticism, particularly, criticism, that is illegitimate and irresponsible. “In the context of such illegitimate and irresponsible criticism, it must be borne in mind that love for justice is rare – what most people desire is justice which favours them.”

SC questions sedition charge & grants bail to Binayak

APRIL 17, 2011 // PRESS REPORTS
MAIL TODAY
By Gyanant Singh in New Delhi

THE FAMILY of Binayak Sen and civil rights activists across the country cheered in unison as the jailed doctor was granted bail by the Supreme Court on Friday. The apex court also indicated that the Chhattisgarh trial court verdict that had sentenced Sen to life on charges of sedition on the strength of evidence produced by the prosecution did not inspire confidence.
“ He may be a sympathiser but this does not make him guilty of sedition,” a bench comprising Justice H. S. Bedi and Justice C. K. Prasad said on Friday after taking note of the evidence against Sen.
When state government counsel U. U. Lalit attempted to justify the sedition charge slapped on Sen, Justice Prasad said: “ Mr Lalit, keep in mind, we are a democratic country.” The judges, who seemed to have gone through the records of the case, stopped Sen’s counsel Ram Jethmalani midway and turned towards Lalit for the grounds on which he was opposing bail.
“ What is the evidence that invites sedition? Even if all allegations and the conviction are taken to be correct, why life sentence?” Justice Bedi asked.
The bench ordered suspension of Sen’s sentence till a decision on his appeal pending before the Chhattisgarh High Court. It also left it for the high court to decide the conditions for his release on bail.
Taking note of the fact that the appeal would have to be decided on merits by the high court, the bench refrained from passing any detailed order. “ Lest we should prejudice any party, we are not giving any reasons for our order,” it said.
Though the bench did not record any finding in its order, the observations made by it virtually amounted to questioning the very basis of conviction of Sen under Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code ( IPC) for sedition.
Taking the court through evidence against Sen, Lalit pointed out that several pamphlets were recovered from his residence. The pamphlets stressed on the fight against the government by use of force.
Lalit said it was not necessary to prove that Sen was the author of the documents to bring home the charge of sedition. As per a Supreme Court judgment, distribution and circulation of such material also amounts to sedition, he said.
“ The worst that is against him is the possession ( of pamphlets and literature). You have not pointed to any action ( on his part)… All kinds of documents are circulated and that may come to us. Does this make one guilty?” Justice Bedi asked.
“ If ( Mahatma) Gandhi’s autobiography is found in somebody’s house, does he become a Gandhian?” Justice Prasad added.
L ALIT then submitted that Sen had visited Naxalite leader Narayan Sanyal in Bilaspur jail more than 30 times. Justice Bedi stressed that the meetings would have taken place in the presence of jail officers.
Jethmalani intervened to point out that jailors had admitted their presence during the meetings.
“ He may be meeting hundreds of people. Even after taking into account all your arguments, does this not make a case for grant of bail?” Justice Bedi asked.
Finding it difficult to convince the bench, Lalit suggested that the court may expedite hearing on appeal rather than granting bail. “ There is no presumption of innocence. There is a conviction,” he said.
Justice Bedi reminded Lalit that the court had suspended the sentences of many of his clients.
Not giving up, Lalit stressed that the court on several occasions had refused to suspend sentences in corruption cases where the sentence was much less.
“ If this had been a Prevention of Corruption Act case, we would have refused relief,” Justice Bedi said.
“ Sen is a sympathiser and nothing beyond that.” Senior counsel Mukul Rohatgi, also representing the state government, said Sen was not merely a Maoist sympathiser but had helped them seek a house on rent, open bank accounts and even get a job.
But failing to get his point across, Rohatgi suggested that Sen be barred from entering Chhattisgarh while he was on bail. He said a similar order had been passed against former Gujarat home minister Amit Shah. The court pointed out that in the case of Shah, investigation was going on and here the trial was over.
Earlier, the hearing began with Jethmalani contending that the high court, while rejecting bail, had gone by the colonial concept of sedition which was no longer good law. He said the charge against his client was that he was addressed by the Naxals as comrade, possessed material propagating Naxal ideology and met Sanyal.
“ Sen is not involved in any kind of violence nor has he fed anyone to resort to violence. Literature is available at everybody’s home and I’ll tell you there is much more dangerous literature at my house. The mere possession of literature does not make one a Maoist,” he told the court.
“ I must confess this is one of the cases where I am personally very happy about what has happened in the Supreme Court. It almost establishes a matter of great principle of democracy that everybody has the right to exercise his right to freedom of speech,” the lawyer said after the verdict.
Chhattisgarh chief minister Raman Singh said in Raipur on Friday: “ We respect the Supreme Court’s decision. It has only granted Sen bail. The pending legal process will continue in the high court at Bilaspur. Whatever the final verdict be, we will respect that decision too.” The BJP, too, toed a similar line. “ We respect the judgment.
It is part of the legal process,” BJP chief spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad said.
Sen’s wife Ilina said after the verdict: “ It’s a very emotional moment and I am relieved. The judgment by the trial court was unfortunate… But I have now started breathing again and am really feeling good.” Daughter Aparajita added: “ Our family was shattered and it was a tough journey with Baba inside jail.
This judgment is the result of everybody’s hard work. I am looking forward to meeting him.” Sen was arrested in Raipur on May 14, 2007, for his alleged links with the Maoists. He later got bail from the Supreme Court on May 25, 2009. On December 24 last year, the sessions court in Raipur convicted him.
With inputs from Sahar Khan in Raipur and agencies

Sunday, April 10, 2011

First ever picture of a volcanic magma chamber



During the first ever scientific expedition into a volcanic magma chamber, climber Einar Stefánsson rappels into Iceland's dormant Thrihnukagigur volcano in October. Magma chambers supply the molten rock that oozes or bursts onto Earth's surface during an eruption.

Thrihnukagigur, which last erupted about 3,000 years ago, contains only ancient magma—though the volcano could come back to life at anytime, experts say. (See "'Sleeping' Volcanoes Can Wake Up Faster Than Thought.")

"Thrihnukagigur is unique. … It's like somebody came and pulled the plug and all the magma ran down out of it," said volcanologist Haraldur Sigurdsson, who appears in Into Iceland's Volcano, a new documentary featuring the expedition, airing Friday on the National Geographic Channel. (The channel is partly owned by the National Geographic Society, which owns National Geographic News.)

Thrihnukagigur is located about a hundred miles (160 kilometers) from Iceland's Eyjafjallajökull volcano, which blew last April and grounded airplanes for several days with its ash clouds.

While people have ventured inside the relatively shallow volcanic craters located close to Earth's surface, the 2010 expedition was the first to explore a volcano's deeper chambers.

"It was a really amazing experience—just unbelievable," Sigurdsson said.

Japan Tsunami: Unforgettable Pictures from National Geographic



















Saturday, April 09, 2011

Here's an old man who dared to challenge the Govt and own

Entire nation today saluted an old man of 72 as he broke his 5-day fast after making the Govt. of India surrender and tow his line in the question of constituting the joint committee for drafting the Lokpal Bill. Anna Hazare ended his hunger strike only after the government issued a notification constituting the joint committee of ministers and civil society activists to draft the Lokpal Bill.

Not only did the Govt. underestimate the strength of the veteran Gandhian, it failed also to feel the mood of the people. In expressing solidarity with the fasting old man, the people of this country once again spontaneously raised its voice in condemning the corruption in the political systems and public institutions. Anna Hazare could not possibly choose a better time for the bet. People were holding their breaths in surprise as scams after scam kept rolling out into the public domain routinely.

I was wondering whether Anna Hazare would stop after achieving this much only, for making the Govt. agreeable to his terms in forming a joint committee only for drafting the bill cannot be a major milestone in his mission. And there emerged the signal of a bigger fight not too far away. Immediately after breaking the fast the old man said "this is only the beginning. Our real fight begins now. If the government does not pass Lokpal Bill, I will come back to fight again." (Read NDTV story at: http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/anna-hazare-breaks-fast-unites-india-97313?cp)

Thursday, April 07, 2011

Hazare's open letter to the Prime Minister

India Against Corruption
A-119, Kaushambi, Ghaziabad . 201010. UP Ph: 09868069953
www.indiaagainstcorruption.org

Date: April 6, 2011

To,

Dr. Manmohan Singh,
Hon'ble Prime Minister of India
New Delhi

Dear Dr. Singh,

I have started my indefinite fast at Jantar mantar. I had invited you also to fast and pray for a corruption free India on 5th April. Though I did not receive any reply from you, I am hopeful that you must have done that.
I am pained to read and hear about government's reaction to my fast. I consider it my duty to clarify the points raised on behalf of Congress party and the government by their spokespersons, as they appear in media:
1. It is being alleged that I am being instigated by some people to sit on this fast. Dear Manmohan Singh ji, this is an insult to my sense of wisdom and intelligence. I am not a kid that I could be "instigated" into going on an indefinite fast. I am a fiercely independent person. I take advice from many friends and critics, but do what my conscience directs me to do. It is my experience that when cornered, governments resort to such malicious slandering. I am pained that the government, rather than addressing the issue of corruption, is trying to allege conspiracies, when there are none.
2. It is being said that I have shown impatience. Dear Prime Minister, so far, every government has shown complete insensitivity and lack of political commitment to tackling corruption. 62 years after independence, we still do not have independent and effective anti-corruption systems. Very weak versions of Lokpal Bill were presented in Parliament eight times in last 42 years. Even these weak versions were not passed by Parliament. This means, left to themselves, the politicians and bureaucrats will never pass any law which subjects them to any kind of objective scrutiny. At a time, when the country has witnessed scams of unprecedented scale, the impatience of the entire country is justified. And we call upon you, not to look for precedents, but show courage to take unprecedented steps.
3. It is being said that I have shown impatience when the government has "initiated" the process. I would urge you to tell me - exactly what processes are underway?
a. You say that your Group of Ministers are drafting the anti-corruption law. Many of the members of this Group of Ministers have such a shady past that if effective anticorruption systems had been in place, some of them would have been behind bars. Do you want us to have faith in a process in which some of the most corrupt people of this country should draft the anti-corruption law?
b. NAC sub-committee has discussed Jan Lokpal Bill. But what does that actually mean? Will the government accept the recommendations of NAC sub-committee? So far, UPA II has shown complete contempt for even the most innocuous issues raised by NAC.
c. I and many other friends from India Against Corruption movement wrote several letters to you after 1st December. I also sent you a copy of Jan Lokpal Bill on 1st December. We did not get any response. It is only when I wrote to you that I will sit on an indefinite fast, we were promptly invited for discussions on 7th March. I wonder whether the government responds only to threats of indefinite fast. Before that, representatives of India Against Corruption had been meeting various Ministers seeking their support for the Jan Lokpal Bill. They met Mr Moily also and personally handed over copy of Jan Lokpal to him. A few hours before our meeting with you, we received a phone call from Mr Moily's office that the copy of Jan Lokpal Bill had been misplaced by his office and they wanted another copy. This is the seriousness with which the government has dealt with Jan Lokpal Bill.
d. Dear Dr Manmohan Singh ji, if you were in my place, would you have any faith in the aforesaid processes? Kindly let me know if there are any other processes underway. If you still feel that I am impatient, I am happy that I am because the whole nation is feeling impatient at the lack of credible efforts from your government against corruption.
4. What are we asking for? We are not saying that you should accept the Bill drafted by us. But kindly create a credible platform for discussions . a joint committee with at least half members from civil society suggested by us. Your spokespersons are misleading the nation when they say that there is no precedent for setting up a joint committee. At least seven laws in Maharashtra were drafted by similar joint committees and presented in Maharashtra Assembly. Maharashtra RTI Act, one of the best laws of those times, was drafted by a joint committee. Even at the centre, when 25,000 tribals came to Delhi two years ago, your government set up a joint committee on land issues within 48 hours. You yourself are the Chairperson of that committee. This means that the government is willing to set up joint committees on all other issues, but not on corruption. Why?
5. It is being said that the government wants to talk to us and we are not talking to them. This is utterly false. Tell me a single meeting when you called us and we did not come. We strongly believe in dialogue and engagement. Kindly do not mislead the country by saying that we are shunning dialogue. We request you to take some credible steps at stemming corruption. Kindly stop finding faults and suspecting conspiracies in our movement. There are none. Even if there were, it does not absolve you of your responsibilities to stop corruption.
With warm regards,

(K B Hazare)

Mr Hazare has become the icon of a nation tired of corruption

From NDTV, April 07, 2011

Since he began his hunger strike on Tuesday, Mr Hazare has become the icon of a nation tired of discovering how it has been had by the people it elected to power. The 72-year-old Gandhian said he had no choice but to begin his die-unto-death fast -repeated discussions with the government for a Jan Lokpal Bill (Citizen's Ombusman Bill) were leading only to more discussion. So Mr Hazare ignored an appeal from the Prime Minister, and began his strike on Tuesday morning, unleashing a people's revolution.

The government seems to have been surprised that Mr Hazare's call to action has resonated so loudly with middle class India. Young school children, waving the tricolour, attend his rallies with parents or teachers. Housewives say they are needed more to campaign for the war against corruption than in their homes. On the internet and on the ground, the support for Mr Hazare is surpassed only by anger and mistrust of politicians.

Last night, the Prime Minister told his senior ministers to engage with Mr Hazare and of social activists who have joined forces with him, largely through an umbrella organization called India Against Corruption.

Telecom Minister Kapil Sibal met with two of Mr Hazare's closest associates this morning- Swami Agnivesh and Arvind Kejriwal, known for his initiative in delivering the Right to Information Act to India.

No agreement was reached. But both sides made major concessions. The activists are now negotiating with one of the ministers they had attacked openly in recent days for ignoring corruption. And the government has agreed that the committee that drafts the bill will include representatives of civil society. Mr Sibal explained the differences that for now remain irreconcilable. "There is no agreement on two issues - that is issuing an official notification to form the committee and making Mr Hazare the chairman of the committee. So we need more time and we will meet again tomorrow and see we can evolve a procedure with which we can move ahead."

Activists want the government to issue a formal notification about the committee, conferring legal status. Mr Sibal and others point out that this would set a dangerous precedent - legislation being opened up to non-elected representatives. The government has offered instead to announce the committee. Mr Hazare and others say that's not enough.

The government also says that to have Mr Hazare chairing a committee that includes ministers would be politically incorrect.

Mr Hazare announced today that while he will not head the committee, he will be a member.

For the millions across India who have now placed their faith in him, that may not be enough.


Read more at: http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/thank-you-sonia-but-please-do-more-says-anna-hazare-97037?cp

Anna Hazare and RTI

Extracted from www.annahazare.org

In the Maharashtra State, a campaign was started demanding for the Right to Information. As Peoples Representatives and Civil Servants are public servants and the citizens of Maharashtra are owners of the public money, the citizens have the right to ask the public servants how and in what manner they spend the public money. He pressed for legislating an Act for Right to Information. The first campaign was organized at the Azad Maidan, Mumbai, in 1997. The State Government was giving only promises, but it failed to crystallize it in many sessions of the Vidhan Sabha. He had to make agitations, dharnas, morchas, maun and fasts many times.


State-wide tours were held for awareness generation among people. Public addresses were organized in many towns and programmes were arranged specially for college students. Posters, banners and folders were printed and distributed in thousands. All this resulted in the awakening of the citizens and making them aware of their fundamental Right to Information.

The Government made many promises, but it failed to keep one. Any government never wants to decentralize its power and hand over power to people. Many politicians think that decentralization of power will lessen

their importance, status and respect. So the Government was reluctant to make legislation for Right to Information.

Finally, with zeal of ‘do-or-die’, Mr. Hazare went on fast-unto-death on August 9, 2003 at Azad Maidan, Mumbai. He decided that unless the Act is passed by the Government, he will not end his fast; rather he will sacrifice his life for peoples rights.

The Government of Maharashtra felt that his resolution is firm and He would not step back from his decision of ‘do-or-die’. On the 12th day of his fast, the Government of Maharashtra got the Bill signed by the President of India and enacted the law of ‘Right to Information’ in Maharashtra. The Act on ‘Right to Information’ is a revolutionary step towards strengthening democracy.


The Right to Information Act came into effect in Maharashtra from 2002. With Anna’s persuasion, the same Act came into effect for the whole nation.

Know more about Anna Hazare

Read his life and work here:
http://www.annahazare.org/index.html

His contact -
91 - 02488 - 240401
91 - 02488 - 240581
info@annahazare.org
annahazare@hotmail.com

His association with:
RTI movement (http://www.annahazare.org/rti.html)
India Against Corruption (http://www.indiaagainstcorruption.org/)
RALEGAN SIDDHI : A MODEL OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT (http://www.annahazare.org/ralegan-siddhi.html)
watershed development programme (http://www.annahazare.org/watershed-development.html)

Anna Hazare - An old piece written about an old man

This Judgement Defames Me
Dilip D'Souza, Rediff.com, September 16, 1998

I am fully aware that you should have incontrovertible proof, solid evidence, before you accuse a man of corruption. I am also fully aware that the corrupt are not exactly strewing the streets with evidence of their underhand acts. I am even more fully aware that the corrupt are also the powerful, thus very able to manipulate the strands of justice so that they remain untouched.

Nevertheless, I am outraged -- and that may explain the incoherence I think you will find in this column -- that a man called Anna Hazare has been sentenced to jail for defamation. As a similarly outraged friend of mine wrote in a letter to the press: "If this single judgment does not arouse the angst of the media and the people, we are a Nation of corpses."

Let's see. We have been unable to punish the guilty in, and forgive me, but this is a necessarily incomplete list: the Bofors gun scandal. The Urea scam. The Fodder scam. The St Kitt's forgery case. The Delhi Sikh massacre, 1984. The Jain diary case. The Stock scam. The J J Hospital glycerine adulteration deaths, 1986. The Bombay riots. The Bombay bomb blasts. Sukh Ram's money-in-the-sheets and telecom scam. The Housing scam. The LPG allotment scam. The Bhiwandi riots, 1970. The Babri Masjid demolition case. The Pickle baron bribe case.

Fifteen major crimes, off the top of my head, in which the guilty are laughing at me from behind their starched white suits and top-grade bristling-gun-variety security that I have to pay for. Yet the court sends to prison for defamation a retired soldier. Anna Hazare.

I know nothing about Anna Hazare but the few details that I will lay out here. He retired from the army and poured his own savings into the uplift of his home village, Ralegan Siddhi in Maharashtra. Though that is not very important to our story, Ralegan Siddhi is now a model in many respects. Hazare has done for its people more than all Maharashtra's politicians, ever, have managed together. Today, he lives what is, by all accounts, a simple life there.

Over the years, Hazare has had to deal with various departments in the government. He found signs of massive corruption in some of them. He spoke his mind about those signs, saying the minister concerned must accept responsibility for them. What the rest of us quite naturally understood from this was that the ministers themselves are corrupt. This is a contention I am willing to bet 95 per cent of India will agree with.

One of those ministers filed a defamation suit against Hazare. Now this case moved at what can only be labelled the speed of greased lightning. In less than a year, Hazare has been found guilty of defamation and sent to jail for three months. In contrast, and picking just one example, 14 years have been inadequate to punish the murderers of 3,000 Sikhs in New Delhi.

I know even less about Babanrao Gholap, this particular minister. I have no idea if he is or is not corrupt. I can only say, from looking around at all that goes on in this country, that I am convinced nearly every minister in the land is corrupt. That there is only a handful of them that is clean. Perhaps that is irresponsible for me to say, perhaps I damn even some clean ones by saying so, but that's just too bad. I cannot be alone in thinking that most ministers, most politicians, are crooks and thugs.

It seems clear to me that by sentencing Hazare to a jail term, the court has only helped ensure that crooks and thugs stay untouched. Of course Hazare should have produced evidence. But let's see, how many of us have access to evidence, hard evidence, that ministers are corrupt? How many of us are optimistic about finding, about anyone finding, evidence of corruption?

I would have liked to see the court recognise this. Section 500 in the Indian Penal Code, which addresses punishment for defamation, prescribes that someone found guilty "shall be punished with simple imprisonment for a term which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both." That is, the judge can decide what the term of punishment should be. So I would have liked the judge in this defamation case to say: "Yes, Hazare has no evidence for his allegations. Therefore, I am sentencing him to imprisonment in this room until the court rises at the end of the day."

I would have liked that because every one of us, including that judge, knows that the majority of ministers are corrupt. Every one of us knows, too, that while it is a fine principle that you must have evidence, in practice it has turned into a smokescreen that covers up for continuing corruption.

This is how twisted the situation has become: today, at least in our minds, it is the minister who has to prove his innocence. Until then, we will assume he is guilty. If this muddies the occasional lily-white minister, it is also quite unavoidable. This upside-down state is entirely the fault of the ministers themselves. The lily-white ones too, for tacitly acquiescing in this mess.

But all that said and done, let's get back to evidence. Let's also be frank: if hard evidence is so hard to find, there is other evidence of corruption that surrounds us, visible to everybody. I think it is time the courts took notice of it. I'll offer up one example to make my point.

In Bombay, this monsoon season, the roads are in positively the worst shape I have ever known. Potholes are everywhere and several major roads are no more than a collection of stones and holes. What could be the reason the Municipality -- run from this year by a gang of politicians -- has not cared to repair the roads? Could it have something to do with contractors who are not being co-operative enough?

The point is that the services we get from our governments for the taxes we pay are simply pitiful. Dozens of scams beset us, steal our money. The country is steeped in sordid, criminal mediocrity in every direction we look, making life here a struggle for most Indians.

What might be the reason for all this? Who are we fooling if we think corruption has nothing to do with all this?

On the condition they have reduced this country to, and that's evidence enough for all of us, every politician, every mayor, every minister, stands accused. Guilty. That's why the court insults the country by punishing Hazare instead. It seems to me we should sue for defamation.

But as always, the greatest perversities in this whole sham come from the rest of us ordinary folk. For we are just as responsible as those possibly lily-white ministers for ourselves, as I wrote earlier, "tacitly acquiescing in this mess." After all, even knowing the corruption and criminality that afflicts the political class, we vote thugs into power over us. Time after time. This man speaks for the lower castes, that one protects Hinduism, that one over there is a defender of Tamil interests ... in our minds, we spell out all these rationalisations of the one truth we all know and acknowledge to ourselves: practically every one of these people is corrupt. Their only interest is in how much money they can cram into their pockets.

And there is one perversity that may be, if you can believe it, even greater. A substantial number of people reacted to Anna Hazare's sentence by saying: the court has shown that nobody is above the law and even "big men" get punished.

Now the day a court puts a Laloo in jail for his fodder machinations; or a Thackeray in jail for his instigation of rioting; or a Rao in jail for getting documents forged to implicate a political foe: the day one of these things happens, I will myself shout in delight that the court has shown that indeed, nobody is above the law.

Until then, it seems to me that nothing serves as well to keep politicians free of punishment as this particular attitude.

Fine, we may deceive ourselves pleasantly by thinking that Hazare's jail term proves nobody is above the law. But one day we will know: that is precisely why politicians remain above the law.

Riddles of Alphabet

Q: What letter of the alphabet is an insect?
A: B. (bee)
Q: What letter is a part of the head?
A: I. (eye)
Q: What letter is a drink?
A: T. (tea)
Q: What letter is a body of water?
A: C. (sea)
Q: What letter is a pronoun like "you"?
A: The letter " I "
Q: What letter is a vegetable?
A: P. (pea)
Q: What letter is an exclamation?
A: O. (oh!)
Q: What letter is a European bird?
A: J. (Jay)
Q: What letter is looking for causes ?
A: Y. (why)
Q: What four letters frighten a thief?
A: O.I.C.U. (Oh I see you!)
Q: What comes once in a minute, twice in a moment but not once in a
thousand years?
A: The letter "m".
Q: Why is the letter "T" like an island ?
A: Because it is in the middle of waTer.
Q: In what way can the letter "A" help a deaf lady?
A: It can make "her" "hear.
Q: Which is the loudest vowel?
A: The letter "I". It is always in the midst of noise
Q: What way are the letter "A" and "noon" alike?
A: Both of them are in the middle of the "day".
Q: Why is "U" the happiest letter?
A: Because it is in the middle of "fun".
Q: What word of only three syllables contains 26 letters?
A: Alphabet = (26 letters)
Q: What relatives are dependent on "you"?
A: Aunt, uncle, cousin. They all need "U".
Q: What is the end of everything?
A: The letter "g".

Received as email. For some more funny riddles visit this site:
http://www.justriddlesandmore.com/Solved/riddlesolved.html

Sunday, April 03, 2011

From Far Labs, a Vivid Picture Emerges of Japan Crisis

By WILLIAM J. BROAD, New York Times, April 2, 2011


For the clearest picture of what is happening at Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, talk to scientists thousands of miles away.

Thanks to the unfamiliar but sophisticated art of atomic forensics, experts around the world have been able to document the situation vividly. Over decades, they have become very good at illuminating the hidden workings of nuclear power plants from afar, turning scraps of information into detailed analyses.

For example, an analysis by a French energy company revealed far more about the condition of the plant’s reactors than the Japanese have ever described: water levels at the reactor cores dropping by as much as three-quarters, and temperatures in those cores soaring to nearly 5,000 degrees Fahrenheit, hot enough to burn and melt the zirconium casings that protect the fuel rods.

Scientists in Europe and America also know from observing the explosions of hydrogen gas at the plant that the nuclear fuel rods had heated to very dangerous levels, and from radioactive plumes how far the rods had disintegrated.

At the same time, the evaluations also show that the reactors at Fukushima Daiichi escaped the deadliest outcomes — a complete meltdown of the plant.

Most of these computer-based forensics systems were developed after the 1979 partial meltdown at Three Mile Island, when regulators found they were essentially blind to what was happening in the reactor. Since then, to satisfy regulators, companies that run nuclear power plants use snippets of information coming out of a plant to develop simulations of what is happening inside and to perform a variety of risk evaluations.

Indeed, the detailed assessments of the Japanese reactors that Energy Secretary Steven Chu gave on Friday — when he told reporters that about 70 percent of the core of one reactor had been damaged, and that another reactor had undergone a 33 percent meltdown — came from forensic modeling.

The bits of information that drive these analyses range from the simple to the complex. They can include everything from the length of time a reactor core lacked cooling water to the subtleties of the gases and radioactive particles being emitted from the plant. Engineers feed the data points into computer simulations that churn out detailed portraits of the imperceptible, including many specifics on the melting of the hot fuel cores.

Governments and companies now possess dozens of these independently developed computer programs, known in industry jargon as “safety codes.” Many of these institutions — including ones in Japan — are relying on forensic modeling to analyze the disaster at Fukushima Daiichi to plan for a range of activities, from evacuations to forecasting the likely outcome.

“The codes got better and better” after the accident at Three Mile Island revealed the poor state of reactor assessment, said Michael W. Golay, a professor of nuclear science and engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

These portraits of the Japanese disaster tend to be proprietary and confidential, and in some cases secret. One reason the assessments are enormously sensitive for industry and government is the relative lack of precedent: The atomic age has seen the construction of nearly 600 civilian power plants, but according to the World Nuclear Association, only three have undergone serious accidents in which their fuel cores melted down.

Now, as a result of the crisis in Japan, the atomic simulations suggest that the number of serious accidents has suddenly doubled, with three of the reactors at the Fukushima Daiichi complex in some stage of meltdown. Even so, the public authorities have sought to avoid grim technical details that might trigger alarm or even panic.

“They don’t want to go there,” said Robert Alvarez, a nuclear expert who, from 1993 to 1999, was a policy adviser to the secretary of energy. “The spin is all about reassurance.”

If events in Japan unfold as they did at Three Mile Island in Pennsylvania, the forensic modeling could go on for some time. It took more than three years before engineers lowered a camera to visually inspect the damaged core of the Pennsylvania reactor, and another year to map the extent of the destruction. The core turned out to be about half melted.

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Starving boy eats roach

By David Fisher, nzherald.co.nz, Sunday April 3, 2011 8:22 AM NZT

"Crunchy and juicy" - that's how cockroaches were described as tasting by a starving 6-year-old boy, according to the agency that saved him from his impoverished home.

The desperate case of the Bay of Plenty child and his three siblings has been offered as a stark example of the degree of poverty in our communities.

And those in the non-government social sector say stories of extreme need are becoming more common as prices rise, incomes fail to match spending and tighter controls are applied to benefits.

Other support agencies tell of elderly people eating cat food, because the cost of food for human consumption has risen beyond their reach.

Homes of Hope director Hilary Price said the Bay of Plenty boy had told her how he and his siblings had eaten cockroaches.

"This little boy described to me that one day he had been so hungry he found some cockroaches and tried eating them.

"He said: 'They were crunchy and juicy'. He said he was very glad he didn't have to do that any more."

The boy and his siblings had been removed by Child Youth and Family from the home they shared with their mother about a year ago.

Price said they were underweight, had skin lesions and infections, wounds that had not been tended and nits and lice.

"They had to survive and they are survivors. In many ways that story would be mild," she said. "I'm horrified with what we see."

The agency received 50 per cent of its funding from the Government and the rest was raised through donations. Price said it cost about $30,000 a year to provide care for a child who had been removed from poor family situations.

"It seems madness not to invest $30,000 a year now so we're not paying $95,000 a year in [the Department of] Corrections when they are adults."

Mangere Budgeting Services Trust chief executive Daryl Evans said the service was under greater pressure than ever. There had been recent cases of impoverished pensioners eating cat food.

"People are getting desperate for food."

Evans said two staff members had resigned because of the pressure they were under.

Staff had gone from dealing with about 40 families each to dealing with about 260 in just a few months, he said.

Evans said food and petrol costs had increased but wages had failed to match needs. Government changes had also forced those applying for emergency grants to attend budgeting courses before getting any money, he said. "Working families are doing it really hard."

Monte Cecilia Housing Trust director David Zussman said a number of issues reflecting the pressure created by poverty were emerging in communities across Auckland.

Social Development Minister Paula Bennett did not return calls for comment.

Outgoing Labour president Andrew Little said last night his party would ask the public at this year's election whether they were better off after three years under National. "People have a real concern about what is happening with incomes."

India beat Sri Lanka to win ICC World Cup 2011

PTI | Apr 2, 2011, 10.49pm IST

MUMBAI: An inspired India on Saturday night regained the coveted World Cup after 28 years as they suppressed Sri Lanka with a six-wicket victory in a nerve-wrecking final to script a glorious new chapter in their cricketing history.

Chasing 275 for a historic win, the Indians held their nerves as they rode on Gautam Gambhir's 97 and Mahendra Singh Dhoni's unbeaten 91 to overhaul the target with 10 balls to spare and send the cricket-crazy nation into a frenzy.

The vociferous, jam-packed crowd at the Wankhede stadium erupted in wild celebrations as Dhoni hit the winning six runs to give India their biggest cricketing moment and crown themselves the ODI world champions, in addition to being the number one Test team.

The World Cup title triumph, coming as it did after more than two decades, was doubly special for Sachin Tendulkar since it was the only silverware missing from his collection.

It was also a fitting farewell to coach Gary Kirsten, for whom it was the last day in office as the Indian coach.

It was a momentous Saturday night marked by high emotion and poignant scenes as India, for long the game's financial power, stamped their supremacy on the field as well, eight years after Sourav Ganguly's team had made an abortive attempt to scale the pinnacle.

The players, many of them with tears in their eyes, rushed to the ground to hug each other as Dhoni finished it off in style by hitting a six, as fire crackers lit up the evening sky to mark the moment.

The highlight of the Lankan innings was Mahela Jayawardene's rollicking 103 as Sri Lanka capitalised on the batting powerplay to post a decent 274 for six.

Electing to bat after winning the toss, Jayawardene used his vast experience to good effect and anchored the Lankan innings together.

The islanders, desperate to regain the coveted cup after nearly 15 years, lost wickets at regular intervals against the Indians, who were spurred on by a vociferous jam-packed crowd.

The Indian bowlers were disciplined in the first half of the innings but conceded as many as 63 runs in the batting powerplay to undo all the good work.

Apart from Jayawardene's 88-ball knock, captain Kumar Sangakkara (48) Tillakaratne Dilshan (33) and Nuwan Kulasekara (32) were the other notable performers.

The Indian innings began on a disastrous note as the destructive Virender Sehwag was dismissed in the very second ball of the innings with paceman Lasith Malinga scalping the prized wicket.

Sehwag was hit on the pads by an incoming delivery by Malinga as he went for a flick. Umpire Aleem Dar ruled him out before he asked for review but television replays showed that the ball would have hit the stumps.

Tendulkar, playing in what probably is his last World Cup game, entertained his home crowd with a couple of delightful boundaries while Gambhir also looked for runs at the other end.

The Indians suffered a huge jolt went Malinga struck again by dismissing the champion batsman as he snicked an away-going delivery and captain Sangakkara latched on to a low catch. A hushed silence descended on the Wankhede stadium as he started his walk back to the pavilion.

Gambhir drove Kulasekara for a boundary in the extra cover region to notch up 4000 ODI runs while Virat Kohli also pulled the bowler to the boundary in the same over.

Gambhir was lucky to get a reprieve in spinner Suraj Randiv's first over when Kulasekara dropped him at the long off region.

The third-wicket pair of Gambhir and Kohli put on 83 runs before Dilshan broke the partnership by taking a brilliant acrobatic return catch.

The out-of-form Dhoni came ahead of Yuvraj to keep the left-right combination going and was immediately given two 'lives' by the Lankans -- first Sangakkara messing up a stumping chance off Muralitharan and then Dilshan dropping a return catch as he collided with non-striker Gambhir.

Dhoni, however, made the most of the Sri Lankan lapses to rediscover his form which had deserted him in the mega event.

Dhoni and Gambhir scored at a brisk pace to keep India in the hunt.

The pair stitched 109 runs for the fourth wicket before Gambhir paid the price for a horrendous stroke, just three runs short of what would have been a well-deserved century.

Abu Dhabi crash involving 127 vehicles

2 April 2011, 6:36 PM

More than 60 people were injured and one killed in a fatal multiple road crash involving 127 vehicles on Shaikh Maktoum bin Rashid Al Maktoum Highway from Abu Dhabi to Dubai on Saturday morning.

According to Abu Dhabi Police and eye-witnesses, the multiple road collision happened at around 8am on Saturday due to dense fog, bringing the weekend’s heavy traffic flow between the two emirates to a standstill till 10:45am.

On Saturday morning, it was again March with its typical seasonal heavy fog and reckless driving that happened on March 2008 that claimed three lives and injured 300. Also it was the same stretch or sector of the highway – between Samhah and Seih Showaib interchanges where over 200 vehicles were involved in the similar pile-up in 2008.

Saturday’s accident, leaving a tail of vehicles over one kilometre, happened between Taweelah and Samhah interchanges.

The General Headquarters of Abu Dhabi Police said only one person, an Asian, was killed in the multiple chain reaction of the crash between 127 vehicles with 61 injured.

‘The accident was caused by both bad weather (dense fog) and human error. Despite of poor visibility due to heavy fog, most of the drivers on Saturday morning did not abide by speed control and maintaining distance,’ said Major General Mohammed Al Awadi Al Menhali, Director General of Police Operations at Abu Dhabi Police General Headquarters.

He advised and warned motorists to be more cautious under such weather conditions, particularly in early hours when the external roads and highways are badly affected by heavy fogs.

Secret life of Indian teens

Damayanti Datta India Today February 25, 2011

"I am a virgin. But I know everything about everything," Mimi, a 15-year-old Bangalore girl, flips her ponytail, looking around to make sure all eyes are on her. "Everyone I know has touched first base, at least." That's "kissing and necking", she explains to her parents. Notes are regularly exchanged between girls after sexual encounters and discarded i-Pill packs are often found in the bathrooms of the posh convent she studies in. "I'm sure you won't remain a virgin by the time you turn 18," her mother interjects tearfully. "Dude, will you let me finish," Mimi rebukes. "I'm not stupid enough to get into trouble."

Trouble is the one certain truth about her: she is a teenager. A face among the nation's 250 million adolescents- the world's largest. But how well does the nation know her? Not enough, going by the furore over the new Protection of Children From Sexual Offences Bill, 2010 proposed by the Ministry of Women and Child Development ("Does it mean 12-year-olds will start having sex?"). But now a host of surveys is figuring out what it means to be a teenager: they pack in 38 hours of activities into a day- work, chat, browse, talk, SMS, Twitter, Facebook, smoke, drink, splurge, do drugs, have sex, get pregnant-and they can't wait for the future to arrive. Unknown to the nation at large, teenage seems to have taken on a whole new meaning. To Delhibased counsellor Gitanjali Kapoor, it's a cultural moment: "Constant exposure of different types of media is enhancing their inquisitiveness, encouraging them to question and stretch their boundaries."

Not that the teens care. For them, it's LOL (Lots Of Love) all the way. Sex is cool because, gosh, everybody's doing it. Twenty-five out of 100 teenage girls in a big-city school are sexually active, reports the Indian Association of Paediatricians. But to Taki, 19, a Delhi girl (who prefers to be known by her nickname like the rest of her peer group in this story), that's a gross underassessment: "Over 75 per cent of my classmates are not virgins". Some of them are into serious romance, some are "just FWBs" ("Friends With Benefits. Not dating but together... just a convenience thing".) Some boys carry condoms in their pockets because they don't know when "they might get lucky". During high school socials, dark corners of the venue are "reserved" by couples beforehand, so that they can go and "do it" in a crowded room, "just for the thrill of it", Mimi explains.
In the world of adults, statistic is truth. And surveys reveal*, it's a generation that spends 10 hours a day on some sort of a media, two hours on social networking sites, 1.6 hours on the phone, four hours 23 minutes a week on computer games. While 66 per cent carry mobile phones to school, 47 per cent can't live without TV. Over 45 per cent drink alcohol five times a month and 14 per cent use tobacco. Yet 70 per cent teens show signs of depression and 48 per cent think about suicide. A survey released by one of Bollywood's biggest hits last year, Udaan-all about a 17-year-old boy, who gets expelled from boarding school for sneaking out to watch a semi-porn film-shows: one in five teens watches porn before age 13; every second teen necks and kisses, 15 per cent in the school loo; one out of five claims to have had sex; 90 per cent believe in premarital sex, with 45 per cent of girls opting for clandestine abortions.

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SC judge-lawyer link raises query

Ajmer Singh, INDIA TODAY, New Delhi, April 1, 2011

The code of conduct for judges states that close association with individual members of the bar, particularly those who practice in the same court, shall be eschewed.A piquant situation has arisen in the Supreme Court as a senior advocate regularly appears before judges – who are also office bearers of an organisation of which this former apex court bar association (SCBA) president is the secretary general.A Supreme Court advocate J.N. Taneja, has made a written complaint to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Union law minister, alleging that senior advocate Pravin H. Parekh appears before the same judges who are office bearers of the International Institute of Human Rights Society.

Chief Justice of India (CJI) S.H. Kapadia and Justice Altmas Kabir are president and vice-president of the International Institute of Human Rights Society respectively, while Parekh is the permanent secretary general of this body.Taneja, in his letter, has also attached list of various Chief Justices of India and Supreme Court judges – who have been office bearers of the human rights society from the year 2000 onwards.The names mentioned in the list included former CJI A.S. Anand, Justice Santosh Hegde, CJI Kapadia and Justice Kabir. CJI Kapadia has been the president of the institute from 2006 onwards, according to the complaint. Taneja has requested the Prime Minister to have this matter enquired into and stated that it is not proper for judges to allow Parekh to appear before them and vice versa. The institute’s registered office, as mentioned before the Registrar of Societies – 134, Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court compound – is also the personal chamber of Parekh.

This address is also mentioned on Parekh’s personal letterhead, on which he has issued invitation letters to many, including senior judges. The cases filed by Parekh before the court also mention the same address. The litigants can get influenced by this, alleged the complainant. Justice R.S. Sodhi (retd) said the judges have to isolate themselves and stop being members of such institutes. They should be out of this as judiciary is already under tremendous gaze for allegations, right from nepotism to favouritism. The lawyers make judges chairman and president of such organisations just to get close to them, he said.

Former law minister Shanti Bhushan, however, stated that conflict arises only if some power is exercised or influence wielded; here the purpose of the institute is promotion of activities related to law.

In the meantime, the record of SC proceedings of November 10 and 11, 2010, accessed by Mail Today revealed that Parekh’s name figures in the list of advocates (WP343/10) in the case of Jaya Prada vs Union of India and Amar Singh vs Union of India (WP 317/2010). These cases were heard by Justice Kabir and Justice Cyriac Joseph. Similarly on January 10, 2011, Parekh appeared for respondents in a case, CIT Mumbai vs Pankaj Mehta, before the CJI and other judges. And on February 25, 2011, Parekh again appeared for respondents (Commissioner of Income Tax vs Chandravadan K. Bagdia) before CJI, Justice K.S. Panicker Radhakrishnan and Justice Swatanter Kumar.Parekh, when contacted, said there is no conflict of interest as bar and bench are two wheels of a chariot and have to work together.

“This institute was founded by Justice R.S. Pathak, former CJI and I am the secretary general for the last 20 years. The purpose is judicial reforms and promotion of human rights,” he said. “There is no question of influencing as no one can take a favour from a judge, they are made of sterner stuff. Yes, judges have been members of this institute and I have been appearing before them but no judge has ever objected,” Parekh said. The restatement of values of judicial life or the code of conduct doesn’t bar judges from becoming members of a society or association connected with the law but it asks to shun association with those who practice in the same court.

Supreme Court to proceed against Prashant Bhushan in contempt case

J. Venkatesan
The Hindu, Friday, Jan 14, 2011

Bench had sought an apology for his interview alleging corruption in judiciary

New Delhi: With advocate Prashant Bhushan — facing contempt of court charges for his interview alleging corruption in judiciary — making it clear that he would not tender an apology, the Supreme Court on Thursday decided to proceed with the case on merits.

On December 7, 2010, a Bench of Justices Altamas Kabir, Cyriac Joseph and H.L. Dattu, hearing a contempt petition against Mr. Bhushan and Managing Editor of Tehelka magazine Tarun Tejpal for publishing the interview, had asked the two contemnors to consider offering an apology.

“Judge of integrity”

During the resumed hearing on Thursday, senior counsel Ram Jethmalani, appearing for Mr. Bhushan, submitted a written statement on behalf of Mr. Bhushan which said: “My remarks regarding the present Chief Justice of India, S.H. Kapadia, in my interview published by Tehelka magazine, appears to have given rise to some misunderstanding about the purport of those remarks. It is wrong and most unfortunate that my remarks appear to have been misconstrued by some as imputations of financial corruption. Justice Kapadia is widely perceived to be a Judge of absolute financial integrity and I fully share that perception.”

“On March 25, 2010, my senior counsel Mr. Jethmalani made a statement in my presence and with my concurrence on this issue which has been recorded by the court to the effect that: let it also be recorded that it has been submitted by Mr. Ram Jethmalani, senior counsel appearing for Mr. Prashant Bhushan that his client has the highest regard for Justice S.H. Kapadia and no disrespect was meant to his Lordship in regard to certain statements attributed to him which have been published in the Press.

“I have thus made it clear at every stage of the proceedings that I have the highest respect for the integrity and character of Justice Kapadia, the present CJI. Under the circumstances, I do not think that I owe any further explanation and this explanation should suffice to put an end to any misunderstanding about the purport of my remarks.”

When Justice Kabir, after perusing the statement, asked counsel “why can't Mr. Prashant tender an apology or regret,” Mr. Jethmalani said: “You [court] cannot extract an apology from my client. Contempt proceedings should not proceed under somebody's threat. Only cowards who are not willing to face the proceedings will tender such an apology. I will not advice my client to tender [an] apology.”

When the Bench passed a brief order that it was not accepting the statement and would go ahead with the case on merits, Mr. Jethmalani said, “If the proceedings are allowed to go on, it would open a can of worms.” Justice Kabir replied: “If they are to be opened, open it.”

Mr. Jethmalani said: “Everyone knows what is happening in this court for the last two years but no one dared to speak. If people should suffer for talking truth then millions of people are ready to go behind bars.” Justice Kabir replied, “Let it be.”

Senior counsel Rajeev Dhavan, appearing for Mr. Tejpal, said his client was adopting the stand of Mr. Bhushan and said: “If truth is going to be the defence then some of the former CJIs will come under X-ray.”

Justice Cyriac Joseph observed: “Sometimes even Judges express regret to the counsel if they feel that a particular thing was understood in a particular manner and which was not the intention of the counsel. Similarly, there may be nothing wrong in offering regret by the contemnors if the perception of others is that what they said is contempt.”

When the former Union Law Minister, Shanti Bhushan, who had alleged that there was corruption in the judiciary and wanted his application to be heard, the Bench said it would consider it on the next date of hearing. The Bench, which had already held that the contempt petition was maintainable, would hear the case on merits from April 13.