Nandigram killings : Get informed

Updates:

For some photographs and video clips visit here:http://nandigramlalsalam.blogspot.com/index.html

Media reports /Factual Information
March 14 , till end March 2007

-14 villagers in Nandigram killed in police firing on march 14th, when around 3000 policemen and many CPM cadre moved in to occupy the area.
-Newspaper reports put the death toll between 6 and 32

-Intellectuals and artists protested strongly

Background info

22,500 acres of land to be acquired for chemical hub SEZ by multi-national salim group of indonesia.
On 2 January 2007, a notice was officially issued by HDA that initially about 14,500 acres of land in Nandigram.
Clashes between people and police and CPM cadre on 3rd Jan.
Since then violent incidents have been frequent, and the villagers have put up stiff resistance. (Medha Patkar's report )
Social activists had already warned of a growing build-up of CPM cadre and policemen around Nandigram.
Krishi Bhumi Uchched Virodhi Samiti is the organisation of the villagers. The Trinamul Congress, main opposition party, is externally supporting it.
Nandigram is a predominantly Muslim area and an erstwhile CPM support zone. Muslim organisations were among the first to get active.

CPM's perspective
Official CPM statements: 1. what happened 2. press statement 3. Buddhuda's assembly speech
"Anarchy would not be tolerated and would be crushed with a heavy hand." --Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, CM of West Bengal on March 11.
"This is no way to run a coalition regime. Things are being decided unilaterally," says Jyoti Basu, CPM big-shot and ex-CM of WB.
CPM version: http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20070316&fname=kolkatakorner&sid=2
CPM claims (press statement ) that Trinamool Congress workers were fighting the police in Nandigram. Independent media reports do not corroborate this claim.

Links:-
Editors' Choice
For a detailed account, see Sanjay Sangvai's report: http://www.kafila.org/2007/03/15/nandigram-update-from-sanjay-sangvai/
Biases in the media http://www.thehoot.org/story.asp?storyid=Web5917617143Hoot120527%20PM2517&pn=1
reports from various sources: http://sanhati.com/home/hpart_new1.htm
Lots of updates daily and videos from unbiased sources: http://sacredmediacow.com/?cat=44


News Reports (larger issue of Nandigram SEZ and response)
MASUM fact-finding report: http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/2113/
resistance news: http://www.sanhati.com/resistanceNews.htm
reports from various sources: http://sanhati.com/home/hpart_new1.htm

News Reports (14th march police firing) and reactions
Violent censorship of press: http://www.calcuttaweb.com/nandigram.shtml (original in bengali )
Monobina gupta's account: http://www.kafila.org/2007/03/14/monobina-gupta-on-nandigram-and-the-cpm-whitewash/
Sanjai Sangvai's report: http://www.kafila.org/2007/03/15/nandigram-update-from-sanjay-sangvai/
CPM terrorizes journalists: Times of India report
historian couple returns award: http://singur-singur.blogspot.com/2007/03/nandigram-was-more-shocking-than.html
Leftist intellectuals protest: http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/40495.html
List of news: http://singur-singur.blogspot.com/2007/03/that-night-in-nandigram.html
BBC 1: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6452733.stm
BBC 2: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6457147.stm
Amnesty: http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA200082007
I fled but my brother is missing: http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/mar/15nand8.htm
Buddha-bashing: http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20070316&fname=kolkatakorner&sid=1
Poetry: http://cuckooscall.blogspot.com/2007/03/nandigram-joy-goswami.html See the video here: http://youtube.com/watch?v=nDMJ3YrzDmQ
Arms and ammo recovered in a CPM base near nandigram: http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/41380.html
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Women_of_Nandigram_allege_rape_by_securitymen/articleshow/1775833.cms
The centre will not back out from the SEZ plans : Kamal Nath.
Criticism of Hindu's reports: By a blogger,
Articles/Analysis/blogs/well-researched reports
fact-finding report: http://www.sanhati.com/res/resdoc2.pdf
NAPM Report of the larger issue: http://www.kafila.org/2007/02/27/napm-report-to-nandigram-via-singur/
Criticism from the left: http://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/jan2007/beng-j26.shtml
Medha patkar's report: http://www.kafila.org/2007/03/15/medha-patkar-on-civil-war-in-nandigram/
The left is split
History and reality of CPI(M) in west bengal (Vir Sanghvi): http://www.hindustantimes.in/news/181_1953035,00300001.htm
interesting personal opinion: http://www.writingcave.com/the-nandigram-killings/
The CBI probe into the Nandigram incidents has already yielded significant results as CPM flags and leaflets have been confiscated from the area. http://www.ndtv.com/template/template.asp?template=nandigramviolence&slug=CBI+finds+CPM+flags+at+Nandigram&id=21649&callid=0&category=National
The reality of CPI(M) in Bengal: http://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/2007-March/008850.html


Action initiatives
Online petition: http://petitions.aidindia.org/nandigram/index.php
Online Petition: http://www.petitiononline.com/nandigra/petition.html
local resistance: http://www.sanhati.com/resistanceNews.htm

Revisiting the JMC report on Netaji death theories

Article published on the MissionNetaji website, 15 March, 2007
(follow the link to reach the page)

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Apart from the question of alleged death in air crash, the other questions Justice Mukherjee Commission (JMC) attempted to answer to were:

1. Are the ashes kept in Renkoji temple ashes of Netaji?
2. Has he died in any other manner? If so, when and how?
3. Is Netaji still alive? If so, where is he?

To the first question, JMC categorically stated that the ashes are not of Netaji. As both the Taihoku air crash and the Renkoji ashes are parts of the same story, rejection of the former led to the rejection of the latter as well. After this rejection by a commission of inquiry, Government will not dare to propose bringing in the Renkoji ashes any more, in spite of its disagreement with the JMC report. And, here started another dilemma for the Government: whether to keep on paying for the ashes or to dispose them off somehow!

To the third question also, JMC answered in the negative. It reasoned that in answering the question ‘probability,’ rather than ‘possibility’, played the decisive role. While, for a mortal being, living beyond 100 years is possible and established, it’s more probable that a man will die before that age, given the average Indian life span of about 70 years. It needs mere common sense to say that neither ‘probability’ nor ‘possibility’ can replace evidence, either material or circumstantial. And no such evidences were put forward in support of the conclusive remark. Rather, all the death theories placed before the commission had been rejected. Moreover, when the life concerned is of Netaji (or of any other revolutionist fighter-leader), average life and death parameters do hardly apply. This is not to say that Netaji is alive but to reiterate the absence of conclusive proof in support of either death or living existence. In absence of concrete evidence or conclusive proof, one can, at best, make an assumption.

There exist a few stories about his coming back to the country in the disguise of a monk. The commission didn’t neglect any of them and investigated all such cases. The commission dealt with the comeback stories while examining the different versions related to the death of the leader. Apart from ‘death in air crash’ version, the commission examined four other versions of his death, all four talking about death on Indian soil. (Interestingly, the versions received by the commission didn’t include a death-in-Russia story.) While the commission dismissed three of the four, it could not really dismiss the one that talked about death in Faizabad. It could not accept the Faizabad death theory either. The death-in-Faizabad story concerns one Bhawanji alias Gumnami Baba alias Dasnami Sanyasi. Evidences suggest that some renowned people from Bengal used to pay clandestine visits to the sage and write letters to him. Notable among them were Pabitra Mohan Roy (INA secret service chief), Samar Guha (a professor and MP), Sunil Krishna Gupta (brother of Dinesh Gupta) and Lila Roy (Netaji’s one-time co-activist). A number of persons who deposed before the Justice Mukherjee Commission claimed that Bhawanji was none other than Netaji. A few of them had seen Netaji before 1945 and also met Bhawanji. While the JMC found no apparent reasons for not acting on or relying upon evidences of such witnesses, it could not make any conclusive statement as ‘other formidable facts and circumstances’ come in its way of accepting such evidences. The two apparent and strong evidences that go against the hypothesis are the ones dealing with the handwriting analysis and the DNA test on the teeth. But the reports that came from Government organizations on the handwritings as well as the DNA tests can always be doubted. Notable is the fact that a noted handwriting expert, Shri B Lal, an Ex-Government Examiner of Questioned Document, opined firmly that the handwritings of Gumnami Baba are indeed those of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. On reading the commission’s report one would wonder whether JMC was about to accept, relying on the reliable oral and documentary evidences, that Gumnami Baba was indeed Netaji, had there been no Government reports on the handwritings and the DNA testing. (Notable, though is the point that mere establishment of Gumnami Baba’s identity doesn’t necessarily prove the death-in-Faizabad theory.) It is for the future to give a final verdict on the question and we have to wait to see whether the supporting oral and documentary evidences can overtake the disapproving Government reports.

15 March, 2007

Letter to the President from a teacher of West Bengal

Date: March 14, 2007

Hon’ble President of India

Words from a teacher of West Bengal

Sir,

Today, I was to plead before you seeking your intervention in the issue of the upgradation of my home University to an INI/IIEST at a time when the institute’s much deserved and recommended conversion seemed to meet a political blockade while the Government continued with declarations of new IITs, IIM and IISER at other places.

Suddenly I found myself losing words about the INI/IIEST issue as I witnessed on TV a big contingent of armed policemen marching towards a gathering of innocent rural people, women and children among them standing in the front. Shortly came into the focus a few bloodstained bodies, dead or half-dead, of women and children being carried away by a few others. The police are of this free country and the people are also of the same very free country. A country that, we say, has the biggest democracy on earth! The place is Nandigram, a village in the rural Bengal, where a pro-people, communism-preaching party leads the Government for thirty long years. An area which, as per the version of none other than the Chairman of the ruling Left Front, remained out of the state’s administrative control for some time.

And me, a servant of an Indian State, a teacher of a University of the state of West Bengal, destined to write to the President about the atrocities of the State that he serves. God knows who is more ill fated; my state or me? Or, my country that has got two most-learned, most qualified, most revered and perhaps most loved persons at the top two positions?

A few recent incidents made me thought a lot. But I am not wise enough to find an answer yet to the question: what public interest is served in horrifying public by implementing or threatening immediate acquisition of lands that they peacefully plough or reside in? Perhaps I will remain ever-stupid and will never understand how a state can acquire so much of cropping land so hurriedly and so securely, as it happened in Singur, snatching out from so many poor men and women for handing over to so big an industrial house like Tata, that is so private an enterprise. I get puzzled when I see that lands for projects like the Metro Railway lines or highways or bridges or flyovers take years and even decades to take over by the state, for the state and sometimes from the state. I cannot understand how a state preaches magical uplift of poor population simply by inviting Tatas or Salims to places where the Government failed to provide the people with safe drinking water, food grain, habitable habitat and electricity in six long decades after independence.

It’s true that the State of West Bengal has ushered into an era of no-discussion, non-consensus governance by a select few, advised by another select few where popular opinions hardly matter in issues of immense state importance. If one looks from Singur to Nandigram, from IT to real estate, from film festival to cricket, from book fair to environment, it’s the same rigidity, same intransigence and same audacity that prevail.

I believe some of the state affairs are equally disturbing for your mind, as for mine. I also know you have your own compulsions and commitments that may come in the way of expressing your mind to your people or the Government.

I’m aware that removing a popular Government is no good. Future Governments can even be worse. But still, containing atrocities by the State to the people of the State is a necessity, in whatever ways possible or feasible. So I, as a mere citizen, would request you to see what you can do about these atrocities.

Lastly, to establish my political non-affiliation, I would only state that I never cast a vote in this democracy, in spite of your public advice in favour of doing so. And, I still find no reason to ask for a voter identity card while I have my Indian Passport, issued under order of none other than the President of the Republic of India.

I remain
yours faithfully,

Dr. Sudip Ghosh

Lecturer (Sr), Department of Mechanical Engineering

Bengal Engineering And Science University, Shibpur

Howrah 711103, West Bengal, INDIA

Ph +91 33 2668 4561-63, 0521-25 Ext 288/279Fax +91 33 2668 4564/2916

E-mail: sudipghosh.becollege@gmail.com, ghoshsudip_2000@rediffmail.com, ghoshsudip@mech.becs.ac.in

Personal webpage: www.freewebs.com/ghoshsudip

WHY DID INDIA NEED TO BURY NETAJI BEFORE HIS DEATH?

Article published on the MissionNetaji website, 31 Jan, 2007 (follow the link to reach the page)
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After Justice Mukherjee Commission (JMC), it’s the Central Information Commission (CIC) with whom lay the hopes of millions of Indians of finding the truth about the mystery surrounding the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, the greatest freedom fighter of this not-so-great country. While Mukherjee Commission could establish beyond reasonable doubt the truth about the falsehood of the myth of Netaji’s death in the August 18 air crash in 1945, a number of questions still remain unanswered. What happened to Netaji on that fateful day of 1945? Could he reach his destination? Did he end up in Russian prison? Did he really come back? Where and how did he die? Has he died at all? Did Nehru know his whereabouts and mislead the countrymen? Who else knew? What ‘contemporary official records’ prompted Prime Minister Morarji Desai to express doubt on the floor of the house about the findings of the earlier two enquiry panels? Why are Netaji papers ‘Top Secret’ in his own free country even after a lapse of more than 60 years? The answers still evade the people of this country.

In his report, Justice Mukherjee spent quite a number of pages in describing the actions and responses of various government departments and contradictions in their statements. A good number of documents contained in various classified government files could not see the daylight in spite of the commission’s efforts to uncover them. Even the records and documents placed before the earlier Khosla Commission were not furnished before the present commission. On affidavit, home ministry official made false statement saying no papers or files related to Netaji or INA were held by cabinet secretariat, IB or RAW. Around the same time PMO official confessed in writing that some classified documents on Netaji held by PMO were destroyed in 1972 (Khosla commission inquiry was in mid-way at that time). The non-cooperation of Govt. of India in the process of Commission’s investigation, Justice Mukherjee noted in no unclear terms, had ‘put a spoke in the wheel of this enquiry’. This non-cooperation with the commission has been there all along, right from the constitution of the commission to its final days of enquiry. The notable fact about this is that both the earlier BJP led NDA Govt. and the subsequent Cong led UPA Govt. were equally non-cooperative, a puzzle that needs to solved to understand why almost every file pertaining to Netaji remains ‘Top Secret’ in his own motherland 60 years after the independence.

The report of the commission was tabled on the house of the Parliament only days before the closing of the May session in 2006, six months after its submission in November 2005. There was no debate in the house at all and the Government played it safe in rejecting outright the JMC report without sparing a single word in support of its stand. Justice Mukherjee’s finding went against the findings of two earlier enquiry panels and concluded that there happened no air crash at all on that day of August at Taihoku, which could take the life of Netaji. By rejecting the report the Government, in a way, reiterated its acceptance of the earlier two reports of Shah Nawaz Committee and Khosla Commission. However, the evidences that the JMC gathered, in rejecting the air crash theory, have their own strength and will therefore find acceptance amongst general public, no matter what the Government’s stand is. Sooner or later the Government has also to concede to the finding.

It’s sheer coincidence that the year of enactment of Right to Information (RTI) Act is the same as the year of submission of the JMC report. It’s this RTI Act under which information have recently been sought from the Central Government on the classified and destroyed files. In response to an appeal made by Mission Netaji, the Indian Government has come out with an even more interesting and stunning statement. It said in its response that the contents of several classified files on Netaji could not be disclosed because such disclosure would affect the country’s relationship with other foreign country. The same stand was earlier taken by the GOI when JMC asked for the classified Netaji files. In its reply to the JMC, the Home Ministry had further stated that the disclosure would hurt the sentiment of the people, evoke widespread public reaction and lower the public image of the great leader. The Government sought relief under section 8(1) of the RTI Act, which allows secrecy on matters having bearing upon the nation’s sovereignty and security. When the matter reached the CIC, the commissioner, however, asked the center to furnish detailed list of documents held by various central ministries and departments.

Right we must have to the information on Netaji. One may wonder how the hell may break loose should the Netaji papers made public and how the disclosure of information about a national leader could pose threat to national security or jeopardize relationship with other countries! Even if it is assumed that Netaji had been a subject of negotiation of any sort among the allied powers or between the Governments of India and any other country in the post-war phase, the extreme secrecy on the Government’s part about every Netaji-related matter for such a prolonged period can’t be explained. For example, the apparent trivial matter of expenditure incurred on account of maintenance of alleged Netaji ashes in Renkoji temple. The fact that the Indian Government has been paying, and keeps on paying, the Renkoji authorities a handsome amount, has been and still is a closely guarded secret – a matter discussed only by the cabinet and that too as a confidential item on the agenda.

There are reasons to believe that the Government’s desperate efforts in maintaining secrecy of the highest level in Netaji-related matters has something to do with hiding some ugly faces or acts, not to uphold the Netaji stature or the nation’s security. But despite all that secrecy and destroying of vital papers, more and more information started coming out, notably from sources external to the Government and from abroad. It now appears that the key persons in Indian Government had the knowledge of the falsehood of the air crash report from the very beginning but the false was imposed upon the people of this country as truth. What was once Japan’s need, became India’s requirement. Japan needed the death story to save Netaji in the ensuing hours of capitulation and to make safe passage for him. India needed the same death story to bury him alive, to prevent his resurrection. The billion-dollar question is: why did India need to bury its greatest freedom fighter before his death?

Dr. Sudip Ghosh Jan 31, 2007